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Nigeria - Jonathan’s Winning Team?
By ANAYOCHUKWU AGBO*
The federal cabinet change generated much interest regarding the composition of the team. By the time the first list of 33 nominations was presented to the Senate on Wednesday March 24, the polity was already breathless with expectation. Many loathed the disbanded council which they felt put their allegiance to ailing President Umaru Yar’Adua above the country. People, therefore, were expecting a transformational cabinet that would rise above personal and sectional interests and also pull the nation out of the doldrums. However, the list suggests that Acting President Goodluck Jonathan’s definition of a dream team may not entirely agree with that of the average member of the public. The question on the lips of most people last week was: “Is this a winning team?” But those who waited anxiously for the list were oblivious of the pressures on the acting president from the ruling Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, influential Nigerians, as well as friends and associates of ailing President Umaru Yar’Adua. Even as he put finishing touches to the list, Jonathan had to factor in the interest of Yar’Adua to ensure that the president’s political group did not lose out in the cabinet recomposition exercise.
Members of Yar’Adua’s defunct kitchen cabinet were in the forefront of the subterranean campaign to re-appoint those believed to be loyal to Yar’Adua so that Jonathan would not be seen to be callously opposed to his boss. Even as the National Assembly awaited the list, the president’s associates pushed out information to suggest that Yar’Adua was actually warming up to return to his desk in Aso Rock, the nation’s seat of government. First, there was the report that some medical team, including a physiotherapist, had arrived the country to attend to the president. Interestingly, those who operate the propaganda machine of the ailing president appeared to have forgotten that report of arrival of a physiotherapist runs counter to a claim that the president had begun daily exercises for a minimum of 25 minutes every day. Perhaps to reinforce the report, Isa Yuguda, governor of Bauchi State who is also a son-in-law to the president, claimed that the president had greatly improved. There was an earlier claim that the man was already on his feet. Indeed, one Zubaru Ali, who described himself as the president’s first cousin, had said that he was with the president in his apartment in Aso Rock, and confirmed that the man could walk, talk and eat.
Despite these claims, Yar’Adua is yet to take a step to debunk reports that he is incapacitated. After he returned on February 24, 2010, the president has been kept incommunicado. Though he is said to be in the presidential villa, Jonathan has not been allowed to see him, neither has Senate President David Mark or Speaker Dimeji Bankole been able to visit him. A source said even the president’s mother might not have had the opportunity to see her son for more than once. Yet the old woman had relocated to the villa so she could be with his son. By Monday this week it would be 127 days since the president was last seen in public; counting from November 23, 2009 when he was taken to Saudi Arabia for treatment. And since he was brought back "like a thief in the night" on February 24 -- 35 days ago this Monday -- the acting president has not sighted him. The last major public appearance he made was on November 16, when he received President Blaise Compraore of Burkina Faso in Abuja.Perhaps to forestall the possibility of creating the avenue for prominent Nigerians to see the president on his sickbed, the family is said to have rejected offers from top presidency officials to replace the chief security officer, CSO, and the aide-de-camp to the president. That was despite the fact that a presidency official offered to give the family representative a list of officers from which to pick replacement for each of the two officers. A presidency source said the family representative claimed that she could not consider that proposition because the president could be upset if he suddenly discovered that the personal staff he was used to had been changed.
The family representative may have reasoned that those two officers remain part of the trusted links the president has with the system after Jonathan's dissolution of the cabinet. Sources say the acting president may not be much liked by the first family for accepting executive powers in the first instance. Some close associates of the president would rather Jonathan be contented with taking instructions through Yar’Adua's cronies. The first statement the president gave out on his return referred to Jonathan as vice president, not acting president which the National Assembly had conferred him with while Yar’Adua was still in Saudi Arabia. That may suggest that the president was not happy with the “doctrine of necessity” that made Jonathan acting president and commander-in-chief. It could also imply that Yar’Adua did not recognise Jonathan as having been duly elected on the same ticket with him. So, the relationship between Jonathan and the first family has been cold. The hostile attitude of the first family towards the acting president has further heightened the tension in Aso Rock. Though, Jonathan, with the recent steps, may be seen to be gradually taking control of the presidency, the shadow of Yar’Adua still looms large. And that has had some effect in the extreme caution displayed in the compilation of the new cabinet list and the near touch-not status accorded the first family.
The family representative may have reasoned that those two officers remain part of the trusted links the president has with the system after Jonathan's dissolution of the cabinet. Sources say the acting president may not be much liked by the first family for accepting executive powers in the first instance. Some close associates of the president would rather Jonathan be contented with taking instructions through Yar’Adua's cronies. The first statement the president gave out on his return referred to Jonathan as vice president, not acting president which the National Assembly had conferred him with while Yar’Adua was still in Saudi Arabia. That may suggest that the president was not happy with the “doctrine of necessity” that made Jonathan acting president and commander-in-chief. It could also imply that Yar’Adua did not recognise Jonathan as having been duly elected on the same ticket with him. So, the relationship between Jonathan and the first family has been cold. The hostile attitude of the first family towards the acting president has further heightened the tension in Aso Rock. Though, Jonathan, with the recent steps, may be seen to be gradually taking control of the presidency, the shadow of Yar’Adua still looms large. And that has had some effect in the extreme caution displayed in the compilation of the new cabinet list and the near touch-not status accorded the first family.
The situation is that even while there is an emerging new cabinet, there are two presidents in Aso Rock -- one is incapacitated, the other, cautiously, in active service. It is in the light of this development that people now assess the new cabinet to know whether it will make a difference from the not-so-impressive past. Out of the first batch of 33 persons, nine were reappointed from President Yar’Adua’s cabinet; while 25 new nominations were made. Nine more are expected in the coming days to fill the slots of the remaining states, according to the constitutional requirement. Dora Akunyili was the last name among the returnees; she beat a late security hurdle and stiff media campaign by Yar’Adua's loyalists, who wanted to get back at her for calling their bluff, to make the team. She got the most popular endorsement from the public among the returnees for standing up against the cabal. On Sunday, March 21, Catholic women in Abuja honoured Akunyili for outstanding courage as one of the highlights of the 2010 Mothers’ Day celebration. Again, her record in NAFDAC still speaks for her as a performer.
Expectedly, Godsday Orubebe, former minister of state in the new Ministry of the Niger Delta Affairs, made it back on the ticket of Delta State. This time, Governor Emmanuel Uduaghan did not raise any objection as he did when Yar’Adua first appointed him. Then he was Jonathan’s nominee and the former governor of Delta State, James Ibori, a top Yar’Adua supporter, had allegedly opposed his appointment. He has the backing of Ijaw elders, including Edwin Clark, and youths, including the former militant leaders. He worked covertly during the amnesty programme and is expected to return to the ministry as substantive minister. Unlike former minister, Uffot Ekaette, age is on his side and he is seen as more suitable for the rigours of the increased activities expected in the post-amnesty period. However, non-Ijaws are already kicking against most of the federal appointments in the Niger Delta going to Ijaws. Ekaette is an Ibibio from Akwa Ibom State and his appointment to head the Niger Delta ministry was fiercely protested by Ijaw youths.
Fidelia Njeze, former minister of state for agriculture, returns on the ticket of Enugu State. She is respected for being cool-headed, non-controversial, non-confrontational and near apolitical -- three qualities required in members of Jonathan's cabinet. In all the ministries where she worked as minister of state, there was no friction between her and the ministers as was the case in most ministries, especially the Federal Capital Territory. She’s seen as not selfish and works for national interest. Most importantly, she is the nominee of Ike Ekweremadu, deputy Senate president, who has been a strong supporter of Jonathan in the Red Chamber. Ekweremadu and Governor Sullivan Chime, who are from the same Enugu West senatorial zone, are in agreement over her nomination. Perhaps, she may be made a substantive minister because of Ekweremadu, whose status is on the rise in the Senate.
Odein Ajumogobia, a senior advocate of Nigeria, SAN, and former minister of state for petroleum, as predicted, returned on the slot of Rivers State. An Ijaw from Buguma in Rivers State and a relation of Mujahid Asari Dokubo, leader of the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force, NDPVF, he is expected to take charge of that ministry as full minister. The Niger Delta people had expressed bitterness for being excluded from the oil economy and had insisted on heading the ministry for the sake of justice. Ajumogobia was first discovered by Peter Odili, former governor of Rivers State, who appointed him attorney general and commissioner for justice. Some have criticised him as either aloof, docile or both. For example, they said, when Rilwanu Lukman, former petroleum minister, allegedly tried to reduce the Petroleum University in Warri to a polytechnic and relocate the university to Kaduna, he did not protest. He never lifted up his voice to support the vociferous outcry of the Niger Delta people. His apolitical nature, however, fits into the emerging political profile of the new cabinet.
Similarly, Diezani Allison-Madueke is back as Bayelsa State’s representative. A technocrat who had worked with Shell, Allison-Madueke was originally Jonathan’s nominee but lost the lucrative transport ministry to the scheming of the cabal and was reassigned to mines and power ministry. She is also close to Turai Yar’Adua and this was said to have ensured her retention after Yar’Adua’s last cabinet reshuffle in October 2008.The return of Shamsudeen Usman, former minister of national planning, came as a surprise to many. But on assessment, his quiet, unassuming and apolitical nature fits the profile of the new cabinet. As the national planning minister he succeeded in revising the national development plan.
Adetokunbo Kayode, SAN, returns under the slot of Ondo State. Of equal competence, he was the lucky beneficiary of Michael Aondoakaa’s removal as it catapulted him from a relatively obscure labour and productivity labour to the number one minister of the federation. He had a running battle with his staff in the labour ministry. His return as attorney general and minister of justice may not inspire much confidence in the polity as well as his staff in the anti-corruption fight. Like his predecessor, he is very political and is alleged to have had some issues with the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, an agency under the supervision of the justice ministry. Being very political, like his predecessor, he will want to pull his punches in the anti-corruption fight, which will be a major indicator of the seriousness of the government in tackling core issues in the country.
Among the new nominations, the hope for change probably hangs on the shoulders of Olusegun Aganga, managing director of Goldman Sachs International (GSI), London UK. An indigene of Lagos from Ondo State, since 2001 till date, he had been the MD of the world’s leading global investment bank, providing services to leading corporate organisations, global financial institutions, sovereign and quasi-government entities. He might be the equivalent of former president Olusegun Obasanjo’s recruitment of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala from the World Bank to head the finance ministry where the economic team she headed pulled Nigeria out of the debt trap through a world-acclaimed, competent, home-grown economic recovery programme. Goldman Sachs has a market capitalisation of $94 billion and at the end of 2009 had net revenues of $45.2 billion, net earnings of $13.4billion and a balance sheet of $849 billion. The firm has 32,500 employees in 55 offices across 26 countries with its head office in New York, United States. He qualified as a chartered accountant in 1983. His duties in Goldman included oversight of financial controls targeted at ensuring accurate, timely monitoring of the Group’s financial position, budget, revenue generation, profitability and operational efficiency. He is expected to bring his wide experience and international network to bear on the management of the economy, if he gets the finance ministry.
Perhaps the most controversial appointment made by Jonathan is that of Josephine Anenih, former wife of Tony Anenih, PDP’s famous “Mr Fix it” and chairman of Nigeria Ports Authority, NPA. Anenih, shoved aside as the chairman of PDP Board of Trustees by Obasanjo in his last days, which led to his political irrelevance, bounced back to power under Yar’Adua. Contrary to what many people believe, she is not coming on her estranged husband’s sponsorship or that of his Edo State; rather she is flying the flag of her native Anambra State. Party sources insisted that she deserves the position on her own merit as a lawyer, former PDP national women leader, former special assistant to Obasanjo on women affairs and a great grassroots mobiliser. Since last year, she has been visible around Patience Jonathan, acting president’s wife.
The return of Sanusi Dagash, an architect and former senator, to the cabinet is not entirely a surprise. Said to be an ideas man, he reportedly impressed Yar’Adua in the National Planning Commission, which he raised from an obscure ministry to the front burner. He was to survive the cabinet reshuffle of October 2008 but the cabal schemed him out, even after Jonathan had got Yar’Adua’s assurance he would be retained. Part of his credit was building confidence with donor agencies. After Babagana Kingibe, he is seen as the next most influential politician from Borno State.
Chris Ogiemwonyi, an engineer and a former group executive director (exploration and production) of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, NNPC, is on the slot of Edo State. As predicted last week, Godwin Abbe, former defence minister, may have been finally dropped but his sponsor Anenih was still at press time lobbying for him to make the last batch on the sentiments of the amnesty programme. Ogiemwonyi’s nomination from the same state may have put paid to that. A tested hand in the oil industry, he was billed to be the managing director of NNPC but was pushed out by political intrigues. A core Bini man, his nomination attempts to balance appointments among the senatorial zones of the state as he is from Edo South. Governor Adams Oshiomhole and Mike Oghiadome, principal secretary to the acting president, are from the same Edo North.
Murtala Yar’Adua takes the slot of Katsina State. Son of the late General Shehu Yar’Adua, President Yar’Adua’s elder brother, his nomination probably puts paid to the return of Abba Ruma, former minister of agriculture and core member of Yar’Adua’s kitchen cabinet to the federal executive council. Governor Ibrahim Shema of Katsina State will only be too happy to get Ruma who was favoured to replace him off his neck. Ruma also had his eyes on national politics and had considered ceding the governorship ticket of Katsina to Tanimu Yakubu, Yar’Adua’s economic adviser, who played a key role in the politics of his illness. The young Yar’Adua is expected to get a key ministry to compensate the larger family.
Labaran Maku, a journalist and former deputy governor of Nasarawa State, replaces Hassan Lawal, former minister for works, as the state’s representative. He may be one of the contenders for the information ministry, especially given the Nigerian Union of Journalists' insistence that a journalist should man the ministry. Maku is reputed to be a grassroots man and a good mobiliser.
Also in contention for that ministry is Ndanusa Alao, a former MD of the New Nigerian Newspapers. He started his journalism career in 1971 as a reporter and rose to become the MD of NNN in 2003.
Also in contention for that ministry is Ndanusa Alao, a former MD of the New Nigerian Newspapers. He started his journalism career in 1971 as a reporter and rose to become the MD of NNN in 2003.
The nomination of Muhammed Abubakar from Kebbi State probably brings to an end the ambition of Adamu Aliero to transit from the FCT ministry to possibly replace Yar’Adua. TELL predicted he would not return. He had lost favour with his fellow senators at the Senate and his successor as governor of Kebbi State. His performance as FCT minister witnessed emphasis on road construction and development of new satellite towns but he left Abuja filled with garbage, beggars, hawkers and terrible bumps as speed breakers. Abubakar, a professor and former vice chancellor of Kebbi State University, was a commissioner of health under Aliero.
Many Nigerians, however, were disappointed, as they did not see many of the high profile names believed to be capable of turning around the country. Political consideration appears to have prevailed over competence and experience. But a presidency source has pleaded for patience until Jonathan assigns portfolios to the ministers so that his core team can be assessed on competence. The magazine has learnt that three major issues might have been topmost in the choice of the ministers. The first was professionalism, competence and service delivery; the second was national outlook, not given to sectional chauvinism. This becomes very important amidst serious threats to the corporate existence of the country as one nation. The third consideration was constituency, to ensure geographical balance in the cabinet. Party loyalty appears not to have counted much as many of the nominees are not rabid party people. This attitude was said to have been informed by what transpired in the later days of the Yar’Adua cabinet when the minister showed more loyalty to the president and party than the country.
Now, with a cabinet of his own, Jonathan still has the shadow of his boss to contend with. In league with that shadow are party leaders and the Governors' Forum that are not too sure of how the mind of the acting president works. They were alarmed that Jonathan did not consult them when he set up the Theophilus Danjuma Advisory Committee. The northern governors too want one of their own to complete the North’s remaining four years under the PDP geo-political power rotation policy.
But Jonathan may have found a base in the Senate where the Nigeria Integrity Group is rooting for him and Mark (though seen as ambitious but equally neutral). The integrity group comprises 87 senators (14 more than the 73) needed to impeach Jonathan, if need be, or pass any bill in the assembly. It may give the acting president the necessary courage to pull through.
But Jonathan may have found a base in the Senate where the Nigeria Integrity Group is rooting for him and Mark (though seen as ambitious but equally neutral). The integrity group comprises 87 senators (14 more than the 73) needed to impeach Jonathan, if need be, or pass any bill in the assembly. It may give the acting president the necessary courage to pull through.
* Previously published in Tell Magazine. www.tellng.com
